参考文献

(1)Marty Cohen et al.,The Party Decides:Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform,Chicago:University of Chicago Press,2009,p.187.

(2)See Nolan McC arty,Keith T.Poole and Rosenthal Howard,Polarized America:The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches,MA:MIT Press,2006,pp.1-10.

(3)James MacG regor Burns,The Deadlock of Democracy:FourParty Politics in America,Englewood Cliffs,N.J.:PrenticeHall,1963,p.24.

(1)Jacob S.Hacker and Paul Pierson,Off Center:The Republican Revolution and the Erosion of American Democracy,New Haven:Yale University Press,2006,p.4.

(2)财阀政治指一个国家里公民的身份或权力由财富决定。美国富人在19世纪晚期对政治生活的影响被认为具有明显的财阀政治因素。[英]布洛克、斯塔列布拉斯《枫丹娜现代思潮辞典》社会科学文献出版社1988年版第442页。

(3)Morris Fiorina,Samuel J.Abrams and Jeremy C.Pope,Culture War?The Myth of Polarized America,New York:Pearson Longman,2005;John W.Evans,“Have Americans’Attitudes Become More Polarized?-An Update”,in Social Science Quarterly,Vol.84,No.1,2003,pp.71-90.

(4)Kevin K.Banda and John Cluverius,“Elite Polarization,Party Extremity,and Affective Polarization”,in Electoral Studies,Vol.56,2018,pp.90-101.

(5)See Donald P.Green,Palmquist Bradley and Eric Schickler,Partisan Hearts and Minds:Political Parties and the Social Identities of Voters,New Haven:Yale University Press,2002;Stanley B.Greenberg,The Two Americas,Our Current Political Deadlock and How to Break It,New York:St.Martin's Press,2004;Alan I.Abramowitz,The Disappearing Center:Engaged Citizens,Polarization,and American Democracy,New Haven:Yale University Press,2010.

(6)Christopher Hare and Keith T.Poole,“The Polarization of Contemporary American Politics”,in Polity,Vol.46,No.3,2014,pp.411-429.

(7)Jeffrey M.Berry,A Voice for Nonprofits,Washington D.C.:Brookings Institution Press,2005,p.27.

(8)Theda Skocpol,Diminished Democracy,Norman:University of Oklahoma Press,2003,pp.257-258.

(9)参见[美]安东尼·唐斯《民主的经济理论》上海人民出版社2005年版。

(1)Kathleen Bawn et al.,“A Theory of Political Parties:Groups,Policy Demands and Nominations in American Politics”,in Perspectives on Politics,Vol.10,No.3,September 2012,pp.571-597.

(2)See Kubilay Yado Arin,Think Tanks,the Brain Trusts of USForeign Policy,Wiesbaden:Springer VS,2014;Andrew Rich,Think Tanks,Public Policy,and the Politics of Expertise,New York:Cambridge University Press,2005.

(3)John L.Campbell and Ove K.Pedersen,“Knowledge Regimes and Comparative Political Economy”,in Ideas and Politics in Social Science Research,New York:Oxford University Press,2011,pp.167-190.

(4)Jack L.Walker,Mobilizing Interest Groups in America:Patrons,Professions,and Social Movements,Ann Arbor:University of Michigan Press,1991,p.79.

(5)对于“实质性”的具体含义,IRS一直没有给出准确的说明,使得基金会的政治参与度有灵活空间。IRS,Publication557,“Tax-Exempt Status for Your Organization”,2018,pp.45-46,see from https://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-pdf/p557.pdf。

(1)“政治组织”是税法第527条规定的直接或间接为了包括公职选举在内的政治活动筹资或消费的政党、委员会、基金或协会,它的税收减免幅度比501(c)(3)组织更小。

(2)税法第501(c)下的其他组织均属于免税非营利组织,税收减免幅度比501(c)(3)组织更小,政治行动空间比501(c)(3)组织更大。

(3)James Q.Wilson,Political Organizations,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1995,pp.30-35.

(4)董贺《关系与权力:网络视角下的东盟中心地位》,载于《世界经济与政治》2017年第8期。

(1)“1896年体系”由埃尔默·艾里克·谢茨施耐德(Elmer Eric Schattschneider)在1960年提出,指美国政治从1896年到1936年之间主要由共和党支配的时期。参见Robert P.Saldin,“World War I and the‘System of 1896’”,in The Journal of Politics,Vol.72,No.3,2010,pp.825-836.

(2)See Inderjeet Parmar,Foundations of the American Century:The Ford,Carnegie,and Rockefeller Foundations in the Rise of American Power,New York:Columbia University Press,2012.

(3)Laurence H.Shoupand and William Minter,Imperial Brain Trust:The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy,New York:Monthly Review Press,1977,pp.120-130.

(4)CCNY Records,“For the Information of the Trustees:Corporation Program in International Affairs”,May 21,1953,pp.13-14,Columbia University Butler Library.

(1)See Jeremy Brecher,Strike!,San Francisco:Straight Arrow Books,1972.

(2)Inderjeet Parmar,“Foundation Networks and American Hegemony”,in European Journal of American Studies,Vol.7,No.1,2012,pp.1-29.

(3)See Godfrey Hodgson,“The Establishment”,in Foreign Policy,No.10,1973.

(4)武器化(weaponize)在英语中指将某种物品用做攻击他人的武器,在政治学中常见于形容政党竞争。参见David C.W.Parker and Matthew Dul,l“The Weaponization of Congressional Oversight:The Politics of the Watchful Eye,1947-2010”,in Scott A.Frisch and Sean Q.Kelly(eds.),Politics to the Extreme,American Political Institutions in the Twenty-First Century,New York:Palgrave Macmillan,2013。

(5)参见资中筠《财富的责任与资本主义演变---美国百年公益发展的启示》上海三联书店2015年版第59页。

(6)新自由主义实际上与“新保守主义”是近义词,也被称为“市场原教旨主义”,指对市场自由的信仰大于政府管制的一种政治意识形态。英国的玛格丽特·撒切尔和美国的罗纳德·里根执政时期被认为是新自由主义政策实施的典范。参见Peter A.Halland and Michèle Lamont(eds.),Social Resilience in the Neoliberal Era,New York:Cambridge University Press,2013,p.37。

(7)Max Hartwell,A History of the Mont Pelerin Society,Carmel,IL:Liberty Fund,Inc.,1995,pp.18-19.

(8)Daniel Stedman Jones,Masters of the Universe:Hayek,Friedman,and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics,Princeton:Princeton University Press,2012,pp.169-170.

(1)[美]雅克布·S.哈克、保罗·皮尔森《赢者通吃的政治:华盛顿如何使富人更富,对中产阶级却置之不理》格致出版社、上海人民出版社2015年版第110-115页。

(2)See Richard Fink,“From Ideas to Action:The Roles of Universities,Think Tanks,and Activist Groups”,in Philanthropy,No.1,1996.

(3)See Jane Mayer,Dark Money:The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right,New York:Anchor,2016.

(4)Tevi Troy,“Devaluing the think tank”,in National Affairs,No.10,2012,see http://www.nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/devaluing-the-think-tank;Olivier Zunz,Philanthropy in America:A History,Princeton:Princeton University Press,2014,p.248.

(5)See Thomas E.Mann and Norman J.Ornstein,It's Even Worse Than It Looks:How the American Constitutional System Collided with the New Politics of Extremism,New York:Basic Books,2012.

(1)[美]雅克布·S.哈克、保罗·皮尔森《赢者通吃的政治》格致出版社、上海人民出版社2015年版第200-202页。

(2)Josh Harkinson,“The Chamber's Numbers Game”,in Mother Jones,October 13,2009,see from https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2009/10/chamber-commerce-smaller-itappears/.

(3)Robert Pear,“State-Level Brawls over Medicaid Reflect Divide in G.O.P.”,in The New York Times,December 27,2015;Alexander Hertel-Fernandez,Theda Skocpoland and Daniel Lynch,“Business Associations,Conservative Networks,and the Ongoing Republican War over Medicaid Expansion”,in Journal of Health Politics,Policy and Law Forthcoming,Vol.41,No.2,2016,pp.239-286.

(4)Kenneth P.Voge,l“How the Koch Network Rivals the GOP”,in Politico,December 30,2015,see from https://www.politico.com/story/2015/12/koch-brothers-network-gop-davidcharles-217124.

(5)“Dissecting the Kochtopus”,in The Economist,Vol.411,No.8890,2014,p.76.

(6)Theda Skocpol and Alexander Hertel-Fernandez,“The Koch Network and Republican Party Extremism”,in Perspectives on Politics,Vol.14,Iss.3,2016,pp.681-699.

(1)Robert L.Beekman and Brian T.Kench,“Basic Economics of the Export-Import Bank of the United States”,in Mercatus Center,August 27,2015,see from https://www.mercatus.org/publication/basic-economics-export-import-bank-unitedstates;Doug Bandow,“Close the Export-Import Bank:Cut Federal Liabilities,Kill Corporate Welfare,Promote Free Trade”,in Forbes,May 5,2014;Aaron Lukas and Ian Vásquez,“Rethinking the Export-Import Bank”,in Cato Institute,March12,2002,see from https://www.cato.org/publications/tradebriefing-paper/rethinking-exportimport-bank.

(2)David Weige,l“Ex-Im Exit”,in Slate,June 30,2014,See from http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2014/06/ex_im_bank_and_koch_brothers_the_libertarian_campaign_to_kill_the_export.html.

(1)慈善资本主义(philanthrocapitalism)2001年由时任高盛公司首席经济学家加文·戴维斯提出。美国《经济学人》杂志2006年发表文章《慈善资本主义的诞生》,认为慈善事业会变得越来越像营利性资本市场,即慈善家通过分配他们的财富来换取最大化的社会回报。参见“The Birth of Philanthrocapitalism”,The Economist,Vol.378,No.8466,2006,p.9。